DECONGESTANT

Friday, March 30, 2007

From Ninoy to Noynoy


August 25, 1973
Fort Bonifacio
11:30pm


Mr. Benigno S. Aquino III

P E R S O N A L



My dearest Son:



One of these days , when you have completed your studies I am sure you will have the opportunity to visit many countries. And in your travels you will witness a bullfight.

In Spanish bullfighting as you know, a man – the matador – is pitted against an angry bull. The man goads the bull to extreme anger and madness. Then a moment comes when the bull, maddened, bleeding and covered with darts, feeling his last moment has come, stops rushing about and grimly turns his face on the man with the scarlet "muleta" and sword. The Spaniards call this "the moment of truth." This is the climax of the bullfight.

This afternoon, I have arrived at my own moment of truth. After a lengthy conference with my lawyers, Senators Jovito R. Salonga and Lorenzo M. Tanada I made a very crucial and vital decision that will surely affect all our lives: mommie's, your sisters', yours and all our loved ones as well as mine.

I have decided not to participate in the proceedings of the Military Commission assigned to try the charges filed against me by the army prosecution staff. As you know, I've been charged with illegal possession of firearms, violation of RA 1700 otherwise known as the "Anti-Subversion Act" and murder.

You are still too young to grasp the full impact of my decision. Briefly: by not participating in the proceedings, I will not be represented by counsel, the prosecution will present its witnesses without any cross examinations, I will not put up any defense, I will remain passive and quiet through the entire trial and I will merely await the verdict. Inasmuch as it will be a completely one-sided affair, I suppose it is reasonable to expect the maximum penalty will be given to me. I expect to be sentenced to imprisonment the rest of my natural life, or possibly be sent to stand before a firing squad. By adopting the course of action I decided upon this afternoon, I have literally decided to walk into the very jaws of death.

You may ask: why did you do it?

Son, my decision is an act of conscience. It is an act of protest against the structures of injustice that have been imposed upon our hapless countrymen. Futile and puny, as it will surely appear to many, it is my last act of defiance against tyranny and dictatorship.

You are my only son. You carry my name and the name of my father. I have no material wealth to leave you. I never had time to make money while I was in the hire of our people. For this I am very sorry. I had hopes of building a little nest egg for you. I bought a ranch in Masbate in the hope that after ten or fifteen years, the coconut trees I planted there would be yielding enough to assure you a modest but comfortable existence. Unfortunately, I had to sell all our properties as I fought battle after political battle as a beleaguered member of the opposition. And after the last battle, I had more obligations than assets.

The only valuable asset I can bequeath to you now is the name you carry. I have tried my best during my years of public service to keep that name untarnished and respected, unmarked by sorry compromises for expediency. I now pass it on to you, as good, I pray, as when my father, your grandfather passed it on to me.

I prepared a statement which I intend to read before the military commission on Monday at the opening of my trial. I hope the commission members will be understanding and kind enough to allow me to read my statement into the record. This may well be my first and only participation in the entire proceedings.

In this statement, I said: Some people suggested that I beg for mercy from the present powers that be. Son, this I cannot do in conscience. I would rather die on my feet with honor, than live on bended knees in shame.

Your great grandfather, Gen. Servilliano Aquino was twice condemned to death by both the Spaniards and the American colonizers. Fortunately, he survived both by a twist of fate. Your grandfather, my father was also imprisoned by the Americans because he loved his people more than the Americans who colonized us. He was finally vindicated. Our ancestors have shared the pains, the sorrows and the anguish of Mother Filipinas when she was in bondage.

It is a rare privilege for me to join the Motherland in the dark dungeon where she was led back by one of her own sons whom she lavished with love and glory.

I ended my statement thus: I have chosen to follow my conscience and accept the tyrant's revenge.

It takes little effort to stop a tyrant. I have no doubt in the ultimate victory of right over wrong, of evil over good, in the awakening of the Filipino.

Forgive me for passing unto your young shoulders the great responsibility for our family. I trust you will love your mother and your sisters and lavish them with the care and protection I would have given them.

I was barely fifteen years old when my father died. His death was my most traumatic experience. I loved and hero-worshipped him so much, I wanted to join him in his grave when he passed away. But as in all sorrows, eventually they are washed away by the rains of time.

In the coming years, I hope you will study very hard so that you will have a solid foundation on which to build your future. I may no longer be around to give you my fatherly advice. I have asked many of your uncles to help you along should the need arise and I pray you will have the humility to drink from their fountain of experiences.

Look after your two younger sisters with understanding and affection. Viel and Krissy will need your umbrella of protection for a long time. Krissy is still very young and fate has been most unkind to both of us. Our parting came too soon. Please make up for me. Take care of her as I would have taken care of her with patience and warm affection.

Finally, stand by your mother as she stood beside me through the buffeting winds of crisis and uncertainties firm and resolute and uncowed. I pray to God, you inherit her indomitable spirit and her rare brand of silent courage.

I had hopes of introducing you to my friends, showing you the world and guide you through the maze of survival. I am afraid, you will now have to go it alone without your guide.

The only advice I can give you: Live with honor and follow your conscience.

There is no greater nation on earth than our Motherland. No greater people than our own. Serve them with all your heart, with all your might and with all your strength.

Son, the ball is now in your hands.


Lovingly,


Dad

Wednesday, March 28, 2007

The Filipino Family in an Age of Complexity


The Filipino Family in an Age of Complexity

(Professor Randolf S. David’s acceptance speech upon being conferred the Doctor of Humanities degree, honoris causa by the Ateneo de Naga University, March 24, 2007)

My dream as a young boy growing up in Pampanga was to study in Ateneo someday. But, although my father was a lawyer (himself an Ateneo alumnus), what he earned was not enough to send any of his children to high school in Manila . Since there was no Ateneo in my province, the next best thing he could do was to send all of us to a Catholic high school in Pampanga.
Ateneo was still on my mind when I was about to enter college. But as the eldest child in a brood of 13, I was conscious at an early age that I should not be a burden to my parents. The free tuition that UP offered to high school valedictorians at that time made up my mind for me. That is how my life at the University of the Philippines began. But my yearning for an Ateneo affiliation persisted. So, one summer in my undergraduate years, I commuted every day to the old Ateneo campus on Padre Faura to work as a student assistant to the legendary Ateneo teacher Onofre Pagsanghan in a short term course on Filipino culture for foreign missionaries and executives. In exchange, I was given free tuition that summer at the school’s English language laboratory.

I hope you can imagine how fulfilled I am today. With this honor you have conferred on me, I can now call myself, finally, an Atenean. I thank you, Fr. Joel Tabora, and I thank the Board of Trustees of the Ateneo de Naga University, for this great and rare honor. I do not mind telling you that, despite the awards and recognition I have received over the years from various organizations, today is the first time I have been honored in this manner by an academic institution. For this reason alone, I felt entitled to ask my wife Karina and our only granddaughter, Julia, to come with me to witness this precious moment. I will treasure this day for the rest of my life.

Fellow graduates of 2007, and dear parents, honored guests, ladies and gentlemen – thank you for welcoming us to this great institution. As a sociologist and public commentator, I am expected to have an opinion on almost every issue deemed important. One question that I am often asked is particularly not easy to answer: What’s happening to our country, and how do we begin to get out of the rut in which we find ourselves?

This question is usually asked in a tone of vague uneasiness, of somehow being caught in the eye of a storm, where nothing moves despite the turbulence outside. Our fears, born of past encounters with disaster, prod us to take action, to brace ourselves for the worst, to hang on to our faith.

It is difficult to know what is happening to our country, or what we should do, unless we can answer a prior question: Who are we who belong to this country? This is a question of identity and of values – the very things that are rapidly changing in an age of complexity. Like the rest of humanity, we Filipinos find ourselves having to embrace the modern, whether we like it or not, in response to the challenge of complexity and globality. In the process, we give up so much of what is familiar to us. We lose our bearings, and in our desperate attempt to navigate our way in an increasingly complex environment, we draw strength from our inherited instincts and find ourselves falling back on the most basic of our institutions – the family.

For, above anything else, we Filipinos belong to families. We may change our citizenship, our religion, our occupation, and trade in the language of our ancestors for something globally spoken. But we remain first and foremost loyal members of our families. If there is one stabilizing institution that has kept Philippine society more or less coherent through its successive crises, it is the Filipino family.

It is this concern for the future of their families that drives millions of our people to leave their loved ones and seek employment in strange lands. Ironically, this trend is also what is dramatically transforming the Filipino family, and, by extension, Philippine society. Allow me to elaborate.

Modern communications and extensive travel in the last 30 years have made it possible for today’s Filipinos to experience a world that previous generations, except those who lived and studied abroad, never encountered. This global experience has allowed them, as it were, to step out of the skin of their culture, and to view their own society through the prism of another culture. Precisely for this reason, it is easy to understand why the single most important development that has shaped Philippine society over the last 30 years is the OFW phenomenon. But, of course, it is not the first time Filipinos have left their country to live abroad.
In the 1880s, scores of Filipino students went to Europe to study. A number of them, like Jose Rizal, were sent abroad by their parents to keep them from getting into trouble with the Spanish government in Manila . But most of these young Filipinos went abroad to obtain professional training they could not get in Manila because higher learning was reserved to the Spanish elite and members of the clergy.

What these Filipino expatriates acquired in their adopted countries turned out to be more than just a university education. There, in Europe , in a climate of freedom and tolerance, they imbibed the Enlightenment values of liberalism and equality, of belief in reason and scientific progress. They became the first Filipino moderns – young intellectuals who consciously thought of themselves as the nervous system of a new nation being born. In this self-assigned role, they became obsessed with showing the world that Filipinos were the equal of any race.

When they returned to the Philippines, these Indios Bravos, as they proudly called themselves, brought home not only new skills and new knowledge, but an entire world-view that enabled them to see their society from the standpoint of what it could be if it had the freedom to decide its own destiny. It was natural that they would become the leaders of the new nation, and the agents of a new way of life. Rizal became the model of this first generation of modern Filipinos.
From the start, Rizal decided that Europe would not be his permanent home. He was in a hurry to return home, where he felt he had a mission to achieve. He had great ambitions for his people. He became a curious observer of everything European and modern, and his encounter with 19th century Europe allowed him to frame his concept of what Filipinos could be if they were given the same opportunity to develop themselves. He envisioned a nation that was as progressive, as disciplined, and as confident as Europe – but one where the nurturing gift of tenderness for which our people are famous would survive.

In the 1970s, roughly a century after the generation of Rizal, Filipinos began to leave their motherland for destinations in Europe, the Middle East, North America, and East Asia . They left not just by the hundreds but by the tens of thousands. Unlike the ilustrado generation of the 19th century, these 20th century Filipinos were not escaping political persecution; they were fleeing from poverty and lack of opportunity. They went abroad not to study, for indeed many of them were already highly educated, but to earn a living and to start a new life. But like those first Filipino travelers of the 1880s, they too remain loyal to the country -- regularly sending money to their loved ones, and avidly watching the nation’s journey from turmoil to turmoil, as if they never left home. With modern communication, they are able to witness the political and economic storms that hit the country of their birth, applying to the nation’s politicians the same criteria of accountable governance by which Europeans measure their leaders. In more ways than they can imagine, they have become influential agents of change in the nation they left behind.

They download the electronic version of Manila ’s major dailies, and watch the early evening news beamed across continents from our local television networks. They comment on issues, publicize their views, grumble about corruption and incompetence, and instruct their relatives to reject unfit candidates during elections. They are often more informed about events taking place in our country and certainly in the rest of the world than the average middle class Filipino living in the Philippines . Like Rizal, they tell their families at home what life is like in modern societies governed by accountable leaders. They form a view of what states in mature democracies are like, how citizens behave when their freedoms are threatened, and what civil liberties mean when people have the capacity to assert them. Their prolonged separation from their families and culture gives them an insight into their own personal needs and inner selves, which modern culture allows them to recognize and express.

The net effect of all this is that Filipinos living abroad have become the most demanding constituency of the Filipino nation. They know how the nation’s economy has become very dependent on their remittances. Like Rizal’s generation of émigrés, today’s OFWs know their power, even if they are still groping for effective ways to use it.

Overseas work has become the most powerful stimulant to the economic life of our country. OFW remittances have funded the education of millions of young people from poor families who would otherwise be excluded from our society’s obsolete structure of opportunity. Consumption patterns throughout the country have changed overnight because of the steady flow of remittances. Television sets, DVD players, mobile phones, and personal computers have become ordinary fixtures in many Filipino homes, serving as channels for new and varied forms of information. Truly, the OFW phenomenon is revolutionizing our way of life beyond our imagination. Its overall impact, I believe, is to pull our political system toward greater democracy, greater transparency in governance, and more accountability in public life.

Our people are changing, but our leaders have remained the same. That is the reason we have a crisis. The crisis is telling us that the old is dying, and something new is being born. Undoubtedly, this transition has been stretched too long, and is far from smooth. Yet, we can read in the growing disaffection with traditional politicians and political dynasties positive signs of new values and new expectations at work.

Our politicians, rooted in the old ways of patronage and corruption, are finding it increasingly difficult to win popular support in this emerging society. As a result, they now have to spend more money to get elected. In some places in the country today, political clans are desperately agreeing to divide public offices among themselves instead of running against each other. This development is anti-democratic, and comes from the same instinct to retain power by the easy resort to large-scale cheating during elections.

The transition is thus far from ideal. From a politics based on patronage, the country is moving towards a politics based on mass media charisma. This is not exactly how we imagine democracy to be. But this too is a passing phenomenon. Things will be different as more and more of our people become educated.

As in Rizal’s time, mass education and the spread of literacy among our people are bound to change the conduct of governance and the rules of political competition. The change may not be visible at the level of our national politics. But it is already being felt at the local level, where a new breed of politicians who have won as mayors and as governors are uprooting the old ways of patronage and introducing innovative practices. They are re-inventing local governance and re-establishing democratic practice on the ground.

That is the good news. There is however a side to the OFW phenomenon that is disturbing.
At present, an estimated 8 million Filipinos live and work in about 192 countries. We are the third largest labor exporter in the world – after Mexico and India – but our workers are dispersed in more countries in the world and are found in more varied occupations and professions. Altogether they send back to their families an estimated US$12-15 billion every year.

We may say that the OFW is to the Philippines as oil is to Indonesia . There is however a big difference between selling people and selling oil. On the positive side, while Indonesia may run out of oil in the next 25 years, the Philippines will never run out of people, since we keep producing them at a rate faster than most other countries. The downside is that a society that exports its own people on a scale that our country does today undercuts its own way of life. At the rate we are exporting our medical personnel, we will run out of health professionals in just a few years. Two hundred hospitals all over the country have already closed down because they have run out of nurses. Another 600 are severely understaffed. Today it is the hospitals, tomorrow it will be the schools, the government agencies, and the rest of the corporate system. It is not to say that we are not adjusting to the increased demand. Indeed we are. But at what cost?

Sending out people almost always means wrenching them away from their loved ones. The effects of such separations on the psyche of children and on the consciousness of the nation are hard to assess. But, more important, sending out its young educated population means that the Philippines is prevented from linking its own progress with the growth of its people.

We are a resilient nation because we have strong families. We have parents who literally give up their personal happiness so that their children may live with hope. What is sad however is that when we offer entire generations in sacrifice at the altar of overseas work so that the nation may live, we are also giving up the very resource that makes us strong. I believe there is something wrong and perverse in making the export of people a major pillar of a nation’s economic policy.

Thank God, in general, our people thrive well abroad. They work hard, are loyal and dependable, they value their jobs, and are much appreciated. The foreign companies and institutions they serve sometimes wonder how any country can foolishly dispense with the services of such a gifted people. But that’s precisely what makes us a unique nation – a hard-working people governed by unworthy leaders.

It is my belief that this bleak picture is changing, and that the political crisis we are going through is nothing but a symptom that the obsolete feudal social order is finally crumbling, and that a new, brighter future is upon us. The transition has begun, it is irreversible, but, as I said, it is far from painless. We have seen how the Filipino family is bearing much of the cost.
I am aware that many of you here today may be among those who are preparing to leave the country and build their lives abroad. My remarks are not meant to dissuade you or to make you feel guilty. I offer them only as a reminder that even as we all have personal dreams to fulfill, and families to serve and secure, we also have a nation to build. Whether we like it or not, our personal visions are intertwined with what happens to our country. It is the only country we have. We must take care of it, and learn to take pride in it. For no nation can reform itself unless it takes pride in itself.

Thank you, and once more, goodluck to all of you!

Speech: Christian S. Monsod


Speech of Christian S. Monsod, One Voice chairman, at the joint general membership meeting of the Makati Business Club, Federation of Filipino-Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and Management Association of the Philippines on 8 March 2007, 12 noon, at the Dusit Nikko Hotel, Makati City)

You asked me to address four questions:
(1) What is the importance of the 2007 elections?
(2) Is there hope for the elections to be credible?
(3) What is the status of the citizen effort?
(4) How can each of us contribute to that effort?

The elections are important because for the first time since our democracy was restored in 1986, we are faced with the problem of damaged or weakened democratic institutions, of processes, i.e. electoral and justice system, or of offices or agencies such as the Senate and the House, the Office of the Ombudsman, the Commission on Elections, or even of the Constitution itself.

Most businessmen appear to be happy with the developments on the economy, but you are clearly concerned about the credibility of the 2007 elections. You are here because your concern goes beyond the successful delivery of credible elections. You care enough to know that we must also address the broader crisis of the people?s trust in the political system, and in democracy itself, as a means to a better life. The repeated attempts to test the constitutional limits of executive powers, the attempt to change the Constitution for political gain, and the politics-as-usual environment of the election campaign, must concern you. All of us know the far-reaching consequences of a growing alienation and disengagement of people from democratic processes, especially the youth and the poor.

If democracy has not changed the social, economic, and political landscape of the country, it should occur to us that maybe the problem is not that democracy is not suitable for developing countries, but that we have not nurtured it or are not practicing it, neither the administration nor the opposition, but more importantly, not by civil society itself.

It is the privilege of age to recall images that make sense of his surroundings. Mine is the image of businessmen and the most ordinary citizens guarding ballot boxes together, with utter disregard for their safety, with no thought of reward or benefit, protecting the ballot as if it was the most sacred blessing of their lives. Whether locking arms together or raising fists defiantly in the air, or singing the impassioned cry of the imprisoned, there was an army that was invincible for the whole world to see.

But the fact is that after we brought our nation to glory in EDSA and accomplished the first peaceful transfer of power in 27 years in 1992, we folded up our banners, we put away the t-shirts with the imaginative slogans that brought humor to the seriousness of the time, and we went back to wearing our business suits and to monitoring the stock prices of our companies or focusing on our narrow sectoral advocacies. And as we went our separate ways with our separate causes, we lost something of the dream of a nation and the significance of our interconnected lives.

Perhaps it is time to go back to our beginnings for the 2007 elections.

Every election is critical for its own reasons. If the 1986 elections, as once noted by a writer, were a test of our courage, and the 1992 and subsequent elections tests of our maturity, then the 2007 elections are surely a test of our vision for democracy.

That vision cannot include the weakening of democratic institutions that would justify what is sometimes euphemistically called a strong republic to fill the void, in which the ubiquitous presence and increasing power of the military and police in government affairs is a troubling trend. The military gambit is not new to our politics, but we thought we had addressed it permanently by the overwhelming aversion of our people to any kind of military dominance in our national life. Surely the business community remembers how the Marcos regime, propped up by the military, set back our economy by 10 years, a gap we still have not closed after 20 years.

If we are agreed that a functioning democracy is a part of our future and that credible election is its fundamental building block, the obvious question is?is there hope that the 2007 elections will be credible?

My answer is YES, if we all play our part in its making.

It seems simple enough, delivering free and fair elections. There are only three principles to observe:

(1) one-man, one-vote;
(2) allow people to freely exercise their right to vote; and
(3) count correctly what?s in the ballot.

We had thought that, by this time, we would be closer to the norm of democratic elections. But somewhere along the way, this was derailed. Automation is nine years behind the original schedule and full automation will not happen until 2013 at the earliest. The latest automation law is seriously flawed and was enacted too late to even enable pilot testing in 2007.

What of the Comelec? It is disappointing that the President has chosen not to fill the last vacancy. But we should at least be grateful that she did not fill it with somebody like Mr. Garcillano. And that the three latest appointees are persons of competence with a record of integrity who are well aware of the need to restore the credibility of the Commission and are unlikely to allow themselves to be part of any cheating. So far, the Comelec has generally been even-handed in the enforcement of the rules, but continued vigilance is obviously called for. Monitoring the resolutions and moves of the Commission is the specific mission of one of the NGOs, the Consortium for Electoral Reforms.

The pity of it is that, by and large, even when it is not in its best behavior, our democracy works, even in 2004, to the credit of the field officers of the COMELEC, if we judge the process and the results by the totality of some 17,000 positions at stake in the elections. Of course, the question of cheating in the presidential elections casts a long shadow on the entire elections. That the President really won, I believe, the elections, albeit by a much smaller margin, is not enough to mute the clamor and the campaign to finally settle the issue of legitimacy by treating the coming mid-term elections as an indirect referendum. There are those among you who would say we are past that and must move on. Maybe so, but the high distrust level of the government cannot be ignored with perceptions that, to stay in power, the government is disposed to misuse government resources (pork barrel allocations, the passing of campaign vouchers to government-owned and -controlled corporations, ?intelligence? funds), or commit wholesale fraud in canvassing , or use the military and police for partisan politics. Hence, the criticality of citizens’ groups protecting the ballot and validating the process and the results of the elections.

There is one important assumption in mobilizing this effort, that the church-based groups will do within the church community what they ask of the nation?unite for a more lofty purpose. That NASSA of the CBCP, which comprise the core of volunteers especially in the provinces, PPCRV, and Namfrel will adopt a unified approach with the least overlap and at the least cost to address the two biggest constraints to this kind of effort?(1) enough volunteers to do the job and (2) resource mobilization. The numbers are formidable. Forty-four million voters, over 250,000 precincts, and 1,600 canvassing points, which imply mobilizing over 500,000 volunteers, including some 3,500 lawyers to monitor the canvassing, and raising total resources of up to P50
million in cash and in kind, partly by local chapters.

As of today, the only missing ingredient is the accreditation of the citizen arm for the unofficial count. Both NASSA, with an interfaith coalition, and Namfrel, which counts with over 150 multisectoral organizations, have applied for accreditation, with the final decision ironically being entrusted to the Comelec.

The good news is that, regardless of the competition for accreditation, all the groups have agreed to take substantive steps towards a unified effort by the following:

(1) NASSA and Namfrel have agreed to form a joint technical group to develop the systems that will be used by whoever gets the accreditation, which, incidentally, could be joint. This committee is already operational and has already agreed on the basic program. The objective is accuracy more than speed, where the quick count for the first two days covering some 10% of the votes will be done by the media groups and the citizen arm count will build up from the third
day. While the target is 100% coverage, it should be noted that the highest coverage in the past in 2004 has been 83% based on precinct election returns and 97% in 1992 using certificates of canvass. Since wholesale fraud in canvassing is a serious problem now, the citizen arm count will be based solely on precinct election returns. And there will be no texting. It’s the basic count from the precinct.

(2) There is already agreement on assignment of tasks, with PPCRV undertaking voter education and pollwatching. Although it is included in its manual, PPCRV has agreed not to do a count. The grassroots mobilization is to be done principally by the social action and basic ecclesial communities of NASSA. The NASSA national conference of social action directors has already taken place last weekend and the PPCRV national conference begins tomorrow. In short, mobilization has started. The focal point of organizing and counting centers will be the 85 dioceses all over the country, in coordination with other religious, evangelical, and Muslim groups in each area.

(3) A national coalition of the Integrated Bar of the Philippines , law schools, NGO legal groups, association of law students, and so on has already been formed, with the Ateneo Human Rights Center as secretariat. The objective is to cover all 1,600 canvassing points, which neither government nor the opposition has been able to do all these years, with about 3,500 lawyers and paralegal volunteers. They will also provide legal services throughout the election period. This
is a very difficult task because lawyers are in great demand during elections, probably the only time they are in demand, with huge fees. So we would appreciate if you can volunteer your legal departments to help out in this project.

(4) A master activity blueprint or menu of options for citizen involvement has been developed by the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and the Pugadlawin group of Ateneo de Manila University, which we will circulate shortly after my talk for you to see. And we are also circulating all the contact persons for each of these activities for your choice. I have asked Prof. Benjie Tolosa to join us this afternoon to answer any questions;

(5) The church groups have agreed to undertake a mobilization campaign based on a generic communications program being developed by Campaigns and Grey, Yoly Ong and her group, pro bono, that will have a unifying theme for the various campaigns of the group. All of us will be meeting on Tuesday, March 13, to review the program.

(6) Special projects have been launched, among them a Comelec Watch, as I mentioned, by the Consortium on Electoral Reforms, the Pera?t Pulitika project of the Consortium, Libertas, Transparency and Accountability Network, and the Political Science Association to pilot-test campaign finance monitoring. We also have a nationwide candidates’ fora and local covenant signing by the Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and PPCRV.

(7) Finally, as you already know, the Makati Business Club has agreed to help in raising contributions towards a democracy fund that will be available to all groups as soon as the unified effort is formalized.

(8) The initiative for many of these projects, I?d like to add, is being done by convenors of One Voice, Benjie Tolosa, Atty. Medina of Ateneo, Mon Casiple of CER, Atty. Guia of Libertas, Vince Lazatin of Transparency and Accountability Network, and Bro. Javy S.J. of
Simbahang Lingkod ng Bayan and others.

I mention these initiatives to assure you that cooperation is happening and that many people are already at work in this huge national effort. But they urgently need volunteers and funding for each of the activities, the most important of which are pollwatching, the parallel count, and the canvassing watch. Free and fair elections after all is the cumulative effect of many safeguards, and it is the efficient and effective handling of the minutest details that can make or unmake elections.

It is said that the mind is the athlete, the body is merely the means for us to jump higher, run faster, or lengthen our reach beyond our grasp. After each of us has thought deeply about the stake in this coming elections, after we have thought together on how to address them, let us, dare our courage to follow our thoughts. We don’t have much time. The day of reckoning is barely two months away.

If democracy, according to Vaclav Havel, is the unfinished story of human aspirations, let us continue the journey in the coming elections by helping restore the trustworthiness of the election process, and on the strength of that foundation, move on to other institutions. Each of us must put down his piece in this giant jigsaw puzzle called nation-building, for only then can we say that we are truly deserving of this blessed nation.

Wednesday, March 21, 2007

Not Very Careful Selection of Domain Names


December 6, 2006

All of these are legitimate companies that didn't spend quite enough time considering how their online names might appear ... and be misread! These are not made up. Check them out yourself!

1. Who Represents is where you can find the name of the agent that represents any celebrity. Their web site is www.whorepresents.com

2. Experts Exchange is a knowledge base where programmers can exchange advice and views at www.expertsexchange.com

3. Looking for a pen? Look no further than Pen Island at www.penisland.net

4. Need a therapist? Try Therapist Finder at www.therapistfinder.com

5. There's the Italian Power Generator company, www.powergenitalia.com - under construction

6. And don't forget the Mole Station Native Nursery in New South Wales, www.molestationnursery.com

7. If you're looking for IP computer software, there's always www.ipanywhere.com

8. The First Cumming Methodist Church web site is www.cummingfirst.com

9. And the designers at Speed of Art await you at their wacky Web site, www.speedofart.com - ERROR message